China-EU Relations: Structural Changes and Future Prospects

The European Union is the prevailing economic and political entity in Europe, and is the focal point of China’s Europe policy.After more than 40 years of cooperation, relations between China and the EU (and its predecessor the European Community) have reached a period of structural changes, which is a natural consequence of evolving international and regional situation. Structural changes refer to the variation in content and proportion of integral parts as a result of the interplay between internal and external conditions, which give rise to changes in relationship between the various parts, and lead to further transformation in the overall structure. There are various inherent factors propelling structural changes in China-EU relations, including a major change in relative economic strength of the two sides, changes in policy orientation and priorities of China and the EU, and Brexit. External factors include respective neighboring situations facing China and the EU, changes in international environment, and uncertainties ensuing government turnover in the United States. While examining the overall changes in China-EU relations, this article will analyze the background,characteristics and prospects of structural changes in China-EU relations by looking at relevant internal and external factors in terms of domestic politics, national strategy, economics and trade, perception, policy initiatives and the broader business environment.

Main Features of Structural Changes in China-EU Relations

Since 2013, due to China’s strengthened initiative and change in EU policy, the China-EU relations have entered a new period of vigorous development. The vision of building a partnership for peace, growth,reform and civilization was incorporated into the China-EU 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation, symbolizing an unprecedented strategic high in bilateral relations. Compared with the phased changes in previous China-EU relations, structural changes have taken place since 2008. The structural changes in China-EU relations have demonstrated the following characteristics:

Great changes in mutual perceptions and policies, and more equal status in policy initiative and agenda setting

为了建构乡愁所传递的这4层不同涵义，诗人采用了隐喻套转喻的认知手段。这一隐转喻模式不是隐喻和转喻这两种认知方式的简单叠加，而是它们的交互运行和融合，即它们“交织在一起，你中有我，我中有你”（杨波，张辉 2008：1），构成了一种嵌套方式，如图2所示。

老师在鼓励学生阅读的同时不妨创设情境，让几个学生结为一个阅读小组布置一篇有趣的文章。例如在人教版小学语文二年级上册的课本中就有《曹冲称象》、《狐假虎威》等我国有名的短故事，但是很少有涉及到外国寓言童话的小文章，所以老师们不妨给学生布置一些《伊索寓言》、《格林童话》等，每周选择一个阅读小组让小组自行选择一篇最近阅读过的小故事进行小组课堂表演，利用表演的方式激发起学生的阅读兴趣。

Mutual perceptions between China and the EU is an important part of bilateral relations, and a critical foundation for formulating policies. After setbacks in China-EU relations in 2008, mutual perceptions and policy interactions between the two sides experienced remarkable changes.

The EU’s perception of China and its policy changes have exhibited the following features. First, while attaching increased importance to the potential for cooperation with China, the EU feels uneasy about the rise of China. Dragged down by the crisis, the EU is concerned about its decline in competitiveness amid dim prospects of economic recovery, and is thus apprehensive about its values, system and model being challenged by emerging forces. For example, in spite of huge demand for cooperation,due to concerns about over-dependence on China’s economy and the consideration to stick to its own political values even in times of crises, there have been calls within the EU since 2009 for strictly executing the strategy of “conditional” or even “reciprocal” engagement. To this end, the EU has elevated China’s position among its strategic partnerships, and identified a “more liberal and fair access to the Chinese market” as the primary goal in its relationship with China.1 Yuan Xue and Li Jing, “Market Access: EU’s Primary Interest in China,” 21st Century Business Herald,December 20, 2010, http://finance.sina.com.cn/roll/20101221/03059136642.shtml. The EU has also stepped up coordination with other countries in their China policies. For example, the EU is seeking a common position with the United States and Japan to pressure China on economic issues like the renminbi exchange rate, resources exports,and market access. Second, while the governments of EU members are enthusiastic about strengthening economic and trade cooperation with China, the EU agencies and public opinion play a counter-balancing role.In the area of economics and trade, upgrading cooperation with China to overcome the crisis has gradually become the mainstream viewpoint of European countries. However, their perception of China is still swinging between a “challenger” and a “partner.” In particular, special interest groups and public opinion have a more negative and vigilant perception of China.However, the EU and some national governments did not address those concerns in some bilateral issues; sometimes they even appealed to them on the grounds of “responding to the public opinion” and turned them into a“weapon” to further pressure China.

In contrast with an assertive China, since the outbreak of the eurozone debt crisis, the EU has been coping with the problems of internal economic governance on one hand, and on the other, it has been hit successively by the Ukraine crisis, terrorist attacks, the influx of refugees and the United Kingdom’s exit from the bloc. Therefore, its governance emphasis and policy priority will be put on the rectification of internal affairs and the maintenance of neighborhood stability, and its participation in regional and international affairs will be limited by its capability despite a still strong intention.20 Most Chinese scholars hold this view. See Feng Zhongping, “China Should Actively Shape China-EU Relations,” April 14, 2014, http://news.nankai.edu.cn/zhxw/system/2014/04/14/000175674.shtml. This inward-looking trend is clearly revealed in the agenda of the EU’s policy-making organs. Until it is able to handle these numerous problems effectively, the EU will find its influence in continuous decline.

2010年4月，布朗造访社区为选举造势。其间，一位66岁的女性工党成员对布朗表示，她和家人一直支持工党，并就东欧移民、福利金领取、国债等议题频频向布朗发问。

为了更好的分析曲壳厚度对质量的影响，我们采集了大曲样品的曲壳部分进行基因测序（5#曲壳样品5 g），但由于提取的DNA浓度较低，无法进行扩增和相关测序工作。可见曲块的曲壳、火圈、断面、曲心等部分中，曲壳的微生物含量最低。曲块的主要功能是为酿酒提供酶类、菌源和香味成分，为了对曲壳进行评价，对曲块各部分进行了分析，结果见表6、表7。

Expanding politico-strategic relations along with economic ties

First, seeking the synergy of development strategies. (1) Coordinating the strategic synergy between China’s 12th Five-Year Plan and the Europe 2020 Strategy. At the 15th China-EU Summit held in 2012, the two sides expressed that “efforts should be made actively to seek synergies between China’s Twelfth Five Year Plan and the Europe 2020 Strategy with a view to expanding and deepening pragmatic cooperation in various fields,”4 “Joint Press Communiqué - 15th EU-China Summit: Towards a stronger EU-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership,” September 20, 2012, http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-12-693_en.htm. offering an important chance for furthering cooperation; (2) The China-EU 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation, released after the 16th China-EU Summit, has become the guideline document for synergy of development strategies between China and the EU. The Agenda sets out China and the EU’s shared aims to enhance cooperation in the areas of peace and security,prosperity, sustainable development and people-to-people exchanges, which steers and promotes the comprehensive development of future China-EU relations;5 “China-EU 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation,” November 23, 2013, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjdt_665385/2649_665393/t1101804.shtml. (3) Overall synergy between development strategies of the two sides. As China and the EU put forward the Belt and Road Initiative and the Investment Plan for Europe (Juncker Plan) respectively, the 17th China-EU Summit in 2015 agreed to promote three major dockings, namely, docking China’s Belt and Road Initiative with Europe’s development strategies,docking China’s international production capacity cooperation with the Juncker Plan, and docking the “16+1” cooperation between China and the Central and Eastern Europe with the overall cooperation between China and Europe.6 Wang Yi, “China’s Diplomacy and China-Europe Relations in 2015, ” December 20, 2015, https://euobserver.com/stakeholders/131704.

Second, spanning the cooperation agenda. (1) Establishing the China-EU High Level People-to-People Dialogue, and perfecting the three pillars of strategic dialogue, economic and trade dialogue and people-topeople dialogue;7 “Joint Press Communiqué of the 14th China-EU Summit,” February 14, 2012, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/t906992.shtml. (2) Strengthening security dialogue and cooperation.Both China and the EU are confronted with challenges brought by changes in the security environment of their respective neighborhood.When Chinese President Xi Jinping visited the EU headquarters in 2014,the two sides agreed to further elevate their dialogue and cooperation in defense and security; (3) Expanding the cooperation agenda to areas such as urbanization and energy. Moreover, the two sides have reached broad consensus on stepping up exchange and cooperation on cyber issues,establishing the China-EU Cyber Task Force, launching cooperation in the carbon emissions trade scheme, and re-starting space technology cooperation.

Finally, elevating each other’s strategic positioning. (1) Strengthening regional and global governance cooperation beyond the bilateral level. The 12th China-EU Summit lifted the China-EU relations to a global level by agreeing to jointly deal with severe global challenges like climate change,financial crises, and energy and resources security.8 “Joint Statement of the 12th EU-China Summit,” November 30, 2009, http://www.china.org.cn/world/2009-11/30/content_18979511.htm. Since then, all China-EU Strategic Dialogues and China-EU Summits have discussed regional and global issues of concern with concerted efforts to reach a consensus.(2) Putting forward the vision of building a partnership for peace, growth,reform and civilization. In his visit to the EU headquarters in March 2014,President Xi Jinping emphasized that “the two sides should view China-EU relations from a strategic perspective, and combine the two powers, two markets and two civilizations of China and the EU to jointly forge four major China-EU partnerships for peace, growth, reform and civilization, so as to inject new impetus into China-EU cooperation and to make a greater contribution to world development and prosperity.”9 “Xi Jinping Holds Talks with President Herman Van Rompuy of European Council,” March 31, 2014,http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/topics_665678/xjpzxcxdsjhaqhfbfwhlfgdgblshlhgjkezzzbomzb_666590/t1143124.shtml. The subsequent China’s policy paper on the EU, entitled Deepen the China-EU Comprehensive Strategic Partnership for Mutual Benefit and Win-win Cooperation, says for the first time “to grow China-EU relations is an integral part of China’s efforts to build long-term, steady and healthy relations with major powers and a priority in its foreign policy.”10 “China’s Policy Paper on the EU: Deepen the China-EU Comprehensive Strategic Partnership for Mutual Benefit and Win-win Cooperation,” April 2, 2014, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/t1143406.shtml.

卡洛琳·赫文斯（Caroline M．Hewins）（1846—1926）是美国早期的儿童图书馆学家，一生致力于推动美国儿童图书馆事业的发展，是美国儿童图书馆事业和儿童图书馆学研究的先驱。1951年，卡洛琳·赫文斯凭借其在儿童图书馆学领域的深远影响入选美国“图书馆名人堂”（Library Hall of Fame），成为影响 19—20世纪美国图书馆事业的杰出人物之一。

其次，在施肥管理中，要重视基肥与追肥。在玉米的生长过程中，土壤的基肥对于玉米的生长有着重要的作用。土壤肥力较差时，要依据前重后轻的施肥原则对玉米进行施肥。根据玉米叶子的生长情况进行施肥，当玉米叶长到6片时，追施拔节肥，这时所追的肥料要占总肥料的60%；如果玉米到了大喇叭口时期，以攻穗为目的追肥，施肥量占总施肥量40%。

Economic relations evolving from trade to a mix of investment,industrial and financial cooperation

Structural changes have taken place in the China-EU relations with accelerating change in relative economic strength and the concurrence of China’s “assertive diplomacy” and the EU’s inward-looking policy focus.

First, equal importance has been given to trade and investment.Although bilateral trade is undergoing continuous volatility and weak growth, the trade interdependence is moving towards a better balanced structure. With the worsening debt crisis and fiscal troubles in some European economies, it is the common expectation of China and the EU to benefit from growing bilateral trade. However, as a result of economic recession, the China-EU trade has been continuously fluctuating,experiencing different stages of decline, rebound and stability. The overall growth of bilateral trade remains subdued.11 The China-EU trade slumped 14.5% in 2009, rebounded by 31.8% in 2010, grew vigorously by 19.2%in 2011, dropped by 7.1% in 2012, became stable in 2013 (2.1%) and 2014 (10.1%), then fell again in 2015(7.2%) and 2016 (1.6%). Despite declining trade volume,the structure of China-EU trade is being optimized and better balanced than before in terms of trade in goods. China’s trade surplus with the EU continues to narrow with declining exports and increasing imports. The proportion of trade in high-tech products and services between China and the EU also rose.12 “Eurostat Released China-EU Economic and Trade Data in 2016,” July 23, 2017, http://eu.mofcom.gov.cn/article/zxhz/hzjj/201711/20171102664006.shtml. With regard to investment, China’s rapidly expanding investment in Europe has become a new growth point for bilateral economic cooperation. In the medium to long term, Europe will be one major destination for Chinese capital and companies to go global. Therefore,the bilateral investment will inevitably move in a more balanced direction.Europe’s relatively mature market environment will help improve the quality of China’s outbound investment and enhance its ability of risk control. The advanced technologies in Europe can satisfy Chinese companies’ strategic needs of technological improvement, brand cultivation and increasing the value added. At the same time, Europe has vast needs for Chinese investment. Its long-term management of the sovereign debt crisis will boost the permanent need of inward capital flows. Therefore, European countries are open towards Chinese investment, and the valuation of European corporations is more reasonable compared with other advanced economies.

As the impact of global financial crisis on China and the EU were quite different, the gap between the economic strength of the two sides has continued to narrow. The eurozone debt crisis from 2009 and China’s rise to the world’s second largest economy in 2010 have accelerated and amplified the change. China’s economic output stood at 24% of that of the EU in 2008 and 30% in 2009, and has gradually risen to 77% in 2016(the UK excluded).16 The author adopts the World Bank data on Chinese and EU economic outputs. In 2014, China’s share in the world’s total exports and imports grew to 12.33% and 10.26% respectively, further narrowing the gap with the EU, whose share in 2014 was 14.98% and 14.7% respectively.17 See the WTO data, http://stat.wto.org/CountryProfile/WSDBCountryPFView.aspx?Language=E&Country=E28; http://stat.wto.org/CountryProfile/WSDBCountryPFView.aspx? Language=E&Country=CN. While the comparison above is merely taken in terms of economic output,without further comparison in growth quality, energy consumption, and sustainability, the change in economic strength may possibly lead to growing competition in economics and trade, but the demand for the two sides to strengthen coordination in global governance will also grow.

Third, innovation emerges as a key cooperation area. Both China and the EU are engaged in structural reforms and industrial upgrade so as to confront development challenges and explore cooperation opportunities in new technologies, new industries and new areas. According to the consensus between the two sides, “China and the EU face the common task of achieving innovative, inclusive and sustainable development. Both sides agree that innovation has an important contribution to make to achieve sustainable development.”15 “China-EU 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation,” November 23, 2013. China has for some time been strengthening innovation cooperation with major European powers including France,the UK and Germany, which shows huge potential and can have a strong demonstrative effect.

Background behind the Structural Changes

The structural changes in China-EU relations since 2008 have resulted from the accelerating change in relative economic strength between China and the EU, and the concurrence of China’s “assertive diplomacy” and the EU’s inward-looking policy focus. In addition, changes in global and regional situation have exerted significant influence over the China-EU relations.

Narrowing of relative economic strength

Second, financial cooperation has become a priority for China-EU cooperation. Since 2009, China has paid 15.5 billion euro in accordance with its shares in the IMF, in order to support the IMF’s bailout of European countries, and has kept increasing its holding of European government debt during the crisis. Besides, a currency swap deal was reached for the first time between China and the EU, representing a new model for bilateral financial cooperation. China’s central bank successfully tested bilateral currency swap operations with its European counterpart in the first and second half of 2015 respectively. The China Europe International Exchange (CEINEX) , a joint venture launched by both sides, has also become a highlight.13 Chen Xin, “China-EU Economic and Trade Relations in 2015,” Xinhua, December 31, 2015, http://news.xinhuanet.com/comments/2015-12/31/c_1117642417.htm. Increasing currency exchange and renminbi clearing services with EU member states have made the EU an important offshore trading hub for the renminbi.14 “China-EU 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation,” November 23, 2013.

China’s “assertive diplomacy” and EU’s inward-looking trend

The academic community of Europe and the United States generally agree that, around the period 2009-2010, marked by its performance at the Copenhagen Climate Change Conference and its change of approach to handling territorial and maritime disputes with neighboring countries,China’s diplomacy entered a new phase characterized by “assertiveness.”While the US is concerned about China’s performance in neighboring affairs,especially in maritime disputes, the EU is much more concerned about China’s “assertive performance” in global governance like climate change.18 Alastair Iain Johnston, “How New and Assertive Is China’s New Assertiveness?” International Security, Vol.37, No.4, 2013, pp.7-48; Rosemary Foot, ed., China Across the Divide: The Domestic and Global in Politics and Society, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013; Björn Jerdén, “The Assertive China Narrative: Why It Is Wrong and How So Many Still Bought into It,” The Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol.7, No.1, 2014, pp.47–88. This is not only because the EU’s ambition to play a leading role in global governance has encountered a major setback, but also because the “China-US co-governance” at the Copenhagen Conference is not in line with the EU’s goal of “achieving global governance through multilateralism.”19 Jonathan Watts, “Copenhagen Summit: China’s Quiet Satisfaction at Tough Tactics and Goalless Draw,” The Guardian, December 20, 2009, https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2009/dec/20/copenhagen-climate-summit-china-reaction.

Some characteristics can be drawn from China’s perception of the EU and its policy changes. First, while China continues to attach importance to Europe, it also recognizes that Europe is entering a difficult period when various conflicts erupt at the same time and will continue to persist. “The European debt crisis declares the end of climax of European economic development, and its impacts will loom large.” Although the difficulties facing Europe will “turn out to be long-term and complicated with profound political, economic and social implications, the region, which hosts the most developed countries in the world, will remain an important and unique force where the EU is the core and major actor.”2 Liu Haixing, “The European Situation and China-Europe Relations in 2012,” December 19, 2012, http://dangjian.people.com.cn/n/2012/1219/c117092-19938869.html. Liu Haixing was Director-General of the Department of European Affairs at China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs when the article was written. His opinion is representative of the Chinese government’s perception of Europe. Second, while continuing its support for European integration, China has developed a more proactive,pragmatic and balanced Europe policy. Given the “sub-regionalization” and“re-nationalization” in terms of economic development and pursuits inside the EU following the debt crisis, China proposed to “explore new ways and new channels of cooperation in light of the overarching direction and specific goals of China-EU relations and different characteristics of EU member states, European sub-regions and EU institutions.”3 Song Tao, “A Changing Europe and Its Relations with China,” Remarks at Seminar on Situation in Europe and China-Europe Relations, August 16, 2012, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjdt_665385/zyjh_665391/t975481.shtml. Song Tao was Vice Foreign Minister in charge of European affairs at the time. China has enhanced its relations with major European powers including Germany, France,the United Kingdom and Italy, and has also launched cooperation with European sub-regions such as Central and Eastern Europe, Northern Europe and Southern Europe. Compared with its previous Europe policy that overrelied on developing ties with the EU to resolve mutual concerns, China’s current Europe policy is more balanced and pragmatic, reinforcing China’s initiative in developing relations with Europe.

20世纪90年代我国引入绿色建筑概念，2001年开始探索性应用研究，2006年出台《绿色建筑评价标准》（GB/T 50378-2006），2013年出台《绿色建筑行动方案》（国办发[2013]1号）、《“十二五”绿色建筑和绿色生态城区发展规划》（建科[2013]53号），这些举措极大推动了我国绿色建筑的发展。截至2015年12月31日，全国共评出3979项绿色建筑评价标识项目，总建筑面积达到4.6亿m2 [1]，与2011年相比，标识的数量增加了5.9倍，标识的面积增加了6.5倍。

Changes in international and regional situation

First of all, the situations in Asia and Europe have experienced significant changes and the neighborhood has become the top priority in policies of China and the EU. With more convergence on regional issues,the two sides have been promoting exchanges on regional stability and development. Regional cooperation has thus become a new dimension in the China-EU relations. As the United States shifts its strategic focus from Europe and the Middle East to the Asia-Pacific, the EU is forced to face alone the turmoil in Ukraine and the Middle East; on the other hand, it has also led to an increase in the EU’s attention to the China-US relations and the China-Russia relations, as well as the evolution of situation in the Asia-Pacific, Eurasia and Africa. While resisting pressures from the US and Japan on neighboring disputes, China has been expanding its strategic depth and maintaining balance through cooperation with Russia strategically and with Europe economically. Both China and the EU have greater need for cooperation on regional issues.

由省政府主导的东北亚海洋与渔业专门委员会，搭建了区域交流合作、共谋发展的开放平台。图为2017年烟台会议现场。

Sustainable growth of trade and investment. Against the background of falling global trade and ongoing debt crisis, the China-EU trade has witnessed much less fluctuations compared with their other trading partners. Considering the importance of bilateral trade for both sides, however, it remains a huge challenge for China and the EU to overcome the bottleneck for growth in order to ensure sound and sustainable development of bilateral trade. Downward pressures on economic growth and insufficient effective demand contribute to weak growth in trade. Therefore, China and the EU should adjust their objectives for bilateral trade and endeavor to improve the trading environment. In terms of bilateral investment, while problems exist in the diversion of EU investment away from China, China’s investment in the EU is also unstable and lacks long-term,reasonable planning.

Finally, changes in relations between Western countries, especially the impact of Trump’s election as US President on transatlantic relations, have also facilitated a structural shift in the China-EU relations. Trump’s questioning of European integration and the traditional relationship between Europe and the US has undermined the alliance and shaken the established structure of mutual interests. In addition, the anxiety of a post-Brexit Britain to develop strategic,economic and trade relations with China and other countries outside the EU has constituted competition with the EU in reality, which serves as a stimulus to the China-EU relations. In this context, China and the EU have found impetus to adhere to a multilateral governance system, and develop stronger cooperation in free trade and investment and global economic governance.

Quantified Decision-Making Method for Ship Oil Spill Emergency

Prospects and Challenges for Structural Changes

Political mutual trust faced with test

Co-existence of cooperation and competition in economics

Economic and trade cooperation stand as the cornerstone of the China-EU relations, but issues concerning the sustainability of and competition in bilateral economic ties are becoming prominent and tend to be politicized against the backdrop of the EU’s long-term economic woes and economic slowdown in China. Whether China and the EU can properly handle issues of protectionism and sustainable growth of trade and investment, and reach consensus on economic and trade rules, will influence the role of cooperation in this field as the bedrock of bilateral relations.

Second, outstanding global issues have offered opportunities for China-EU cooperation to cope with challenges. The China-EU relations has developed a global dimension besides bilateral and regional ones, with more strategic elements embedded into the relationship. As influential international actors, China and the EU share similar positions and common interests in climate change, global anti-terrorism, strengthening global economic governance and opposition to protectionism. In particular, in a context of emerging conservative and populist politics in Europe and the United States, China and the EU need each other more than ever in dealing with the complex trends of globalization. Cooperation in global governance is becoming a new growth point for the China-EU relations.

In general, the structural changes in the China-EU relations will lead to an overall strategic elevation of bilateral relations, the expansion of cooperation areas and a more balanced economic and trade structure.

Dealing with protectionism and properly handling issues concerning economic and trade rules. Competition between China and the EU is rising in the wake of increasing trade and investment flows. First, China has become the main target of the EU’s trading defense measures and investment barriers. For instance, the EU launched 19 trade remedy investigations from January to November 2012, among which 4 anti-dumping investigations and 3 countervailing cases were held against Chinese products, accounting for 1/3 and 1/2 of total investigations respectively.21 European Commission, “Trade Defence Statistics Covering the First Eleven Months of 2012,” http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2012/december/tradoc_150133.pdf. The photovoltaic products dispute in the same year even pushed both sides to the brink of a trade war. Second, the emerging asymmetry and increasing competition in China-EU economic and trade ties were fully demonstrated in debates on China’s market economy status,the surrogate country system and iron and steel overcapacity. Against the backdrop of sluggish global trade and economic downturn on both sides, jointly opposing protectionism and effectively managing disputes will provide a premise for steady and sustainable development of bilateral economic and trade relations.

In general, the structural changes in the China-EU relations will lead to an overall strategic elevation of bilateral relations, the expansion of cooperation areas and a more balanced economic and trade structure, and they will exhibit different characteristics in different stages in line with the evolution of international and regional situation. In the coming years, the structural changes will bring both opportunities and challenges, which are demonstrated mainly in the following areas.

Compared with economic and trade cooperation, political trust between China and the EU is relatively fragile. The two sides need to deal with the long-term rivalry between value diplomacy and pragmatic diplomacy, and try to resolve political suspicion.

Strained relations between value diplomacy and pragmatic diplomacy.Politics and Human Rights have long been a major obstacle to the political mutual trust between China and the EU, demonstrating their structural contradictions. In order to obtain China’s economic and political support when the debt crisis was serious, the EU reduced pressures on political and human rights issues. However, as the crisis eased, some EU practices have again given rise to political divergence. Despite the existence of relevant dialogues, the EU and some member states have not given up interfering in China’s internal affairs in the name of protecting human rights. In addition to the traditional topics of Tibet and Xinjiang-related issues, the EU has stepped up its criticisms and pressures on China with regard to Hong Kongrelated issues, reform of the hukou system, the rights of persons belonging to ethnic minorities, freedom of religion or belief and freedom of expression.22 “33rd EU-China Dialogue on Human Rights,” EU External Action, December 9, 2014, https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage_en/6788/33rd%20EU-China%20Dialogue%20on%20 Human%20Rights.

四次调查鉴定出浮游动物共28种，种类组成如表1所示，其中原生动物最多，轮虫次之，原生动物16种，占浮游动物总物种数的57.1%；轮虫9种，占32.2%；枝角类1种，占3.6%；桡足类2种，占7.1%。总体说，汾河二库浮游动物主要组成部分是原生动物和轮虫，桡足类和枝角类较少。对每个季节来说，浮游动物物种数在2017年春，夏季相对比2016年较多，分别为16种和14种，2016分别为12种和10种。见表2，浮游动物优势种分别为旋回侠盗虫，鼻枳毛虫，急游虫，双环枳毛虫，多肢轮虫，螺形龟甲轮虫和缘板龟甲轮虫，这些优势种大多为中营养化水体的指示种类。

The EU’s balance of power diplomacy in the Asia-Pacific region. The EU has important business and investment interests in the Asia-Pacific, and regards this region as a center of world politics and economics in the future.It pays close attention on the region’s overall situation, and discussions about its involvement in Asia-Pacific affairs and implementing the balance of power diplomacy are becoming increasingly heated. Countries like the Philippines and Japan who have maritime disputes with China have scaled up their efforts to introduce external forces like the EU and its member states, while the EU also shows interest in coordinating regional disputes in the Asia-Pacific. When China and Japan experienced fierce conflicts on the sovereignty of the Diaoyu Islands, interactions between the EU and Japan witnessed a significant increase.23 “Japan-U.K. Summit Meeting (Overview),” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, June 17, 2013, http://www.mofa.go.jp/region/page6e_000091.html.

The EU has maintained continuous attention to the East and South China Seas. While claiming to take no position on territorial disputes, it urges the resolution of disputes in accordance with international law, in particular the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, and to continue ensuring safety and freedom of navigation.24 “Statement by the Spokesperson of the EU High Representative on the Recent Escalation of Tensions in the South China Sea,” EU External Action, May 8, 2014, http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/china/press_corner/all_news/news/2014/20140512_en.htm. The EU and its major member states have also reinforced mutual political and security interactions with ASEAN and Japan,reiterating the priority of its Asia policy that puts the maritime security issue in Asia above development cooperation.25 “EU-ASEAN Foreign Ministers to Discuss Key Challenges in Brussels,” EU External Action, July 18,2014, http://eeas.europa.eu/top_stories/2014/180714_eu-asean_en.html. Despite the failure of some EU members to incorporate their concerns into the Chair’s Statement of the Asia-Europe Meeting in 2014 due to objection from the majority of countries, this “EU-version Asia-Pacific rebalance” has cast shadow upon the political mutual trust between China and the EU.

充分利用水稻群体补偿能力强的优势，对一些病虫的防控效果目标指标可以适当放宽。比如，水稻稻纵卷叶螟前期造成的白叶，根据调查在5%以下，对水稻产量并没有多大影响，所以一般发生年份，二代稻纵卷叶螟可以不进行防治。

China and the EU need to deal with the long-term rivalry between value diplomacy and pragmatic diplomacy, and try to resolve political suspicion.

The EU’s concerns over China’s “division diplomacy.” China has firmly supported the EU’s integration; in the meantime, China has also taken into consideration the impact of the European debt crisis, the political and economic trends in Europe, and the EU’s relations with its member states as the main factors in formulating and implementing the policy towards the EU.According to the current status and development prospects of its relations with the EU, China has further streamlined its EU policy and strengthened initiative, with a view to maintaining balanced development in its relations with the EU, the European sub-regions and individual EU member states.However, the EU side feels uneasy and has deep misgivings about China’s policy. When China and Central and Eastern European countries conducted sub-regional cooperation for their common interests, the EU reacted strongly,asserting that sub-regional cooperation is destroying the transfer of foreign policy authority from the member states to the EU, and weakening the EU’s leadership in diplomatic areas, and is thus “a plot to split the EU.”26 At the first High-Level Symposium of Think Tanks of China and Central and Eastern European (CEE)countries, where the author was a participant, some scholars from CEE countries indicated that there were EU officials who once considered the cooperation between China and CEE countries as an attempt to“divide” and “build a new Berlin Wall” in Europe.

Strategic cooperation affected by international structural changes

The China-EU relations have gone beyond the bilateral category,and now represent increasing regional and global significance. This is a prominent characteristic of the structural changes in the China-EU relations.Given the ongoing acute changes in international structure, whether or not the two sides can enhance strategic mutual trust and cooperation will impose critical influence on the future of the China-EU relations.

Impact of major-power interplay. Among all its strategic options, the transatlantic relationship would still be the first choice for the EU to rely upon in the event of a crisis. Since the United States proposed the Asia-Pacific rebalance strategy, the EU, out of fear for loss of its position in the US global strategy, has stepped up policy coordination with the US on trade and security issues, and launched negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The strengthening of coordination on economic and trade issues between the EU and the US, China’s two largest trading partners, will intensify competition between China and the EU on economic and trade rules.Therefore, China has paid close attention to the TTIP negotiation process,and at the same time accelerated coordination with the EU on launching a China-EU free trade agreement (FTA). However, in order to protect its own internal market while further exploring the Chinese market, the EU regards the negotiations on a bilateral investment treaty (BIT) as a priority of its China policy and takes an evasive attitude towards a bilateral FTA. In terms of security strategy, the EU, together with the US, has strengthened NATO’s deterrence against Russia following the Ukraine crisis, and has grave misgivings about the strategic partnership of coordination between China and Russia. The EU has also followed the US in partly participating in hotspot issues in China’s neighborhood. The EU’s skepticism about the China-Russia relations will restrict the building and maintenance of strategic mutual trust with China. Its“concern” over the Asia-Pacific security and policy coordination with the US on relevant issues will add complexity to the security situation surrounding China.

Trump’s rise to power adds a new factor to the EU-US, US-Russia and EU-Russia relations. Given the suspension of negotiations on the TTIP,the EU is in urgent need of other bilateral FTAs to relieve the coordination dilemma with the US in the economic and trade sphere. Uncertainties about Brexit, the US-Russia relations as well as NATO’s prospects push the EU to strengthen its “strategic autonomy.” This will impose complications on the future of China-EU strategic relations. On one hand, the EU will have growing needs of cooperation with China on such issues as BIT negotiations and the future FTA arrangement. On the other, the EU’s strengthened“strategic autonomy” may lead to it taking a tough stance towards China.

Consensus and disputes on regional affairs. There is a growing need for China and the EU to cooperate on regional issues in the wake of the Ukraine crisis, the changing security situation in the Asia-Pacific, and the refugee crisis in Europe. To uphold regional stability and cope with the refugee crisis, China and the EU have reached consensus on cooperation in South Asia and Middle East countries such as Afghanistan and Syria. Both sides support the resolution of disputes by political, diplomatic and economic means and oppose the use of force. However, due to disputes on their Russia policy, and on some goals of political settlement such as regime change and democratization, political conditions are still insufficient for the two sides to conduct practical cooperation. Therefore, the China-EU cooperation on regional governance for the forseeable future may not go further than the current dialogues and policy statements. For some time to come, it remains difficult for the two sides to undertake substantial cooperation in this field.

他望着眼前的巨石，心里一阵发毛，又忍不住将耳朵附到其上，细细分辨那个响声。于是，他更清楚地听到了那个声音。它像是有什么尖利的金属，在坚硬的岩石上敲打刮划，频率忽急忽缓，不知节奏，偶尔会有石块碎裂的声音传出，应是有着极大的力量。

Impact of Structural Changes in China-EU Relations

China and the EU are important actors in economics and international relations. The structural shift in the relationship between the two sides will have profound impacts at bilateral, regional and global levels.

First, the China-EU relations will enter a period of readjustment to meet the structural changes in their relations. The EU is showing rising concerns over the narrowing of relative economic and trade competitiveness,which is aggravated by what it considers as China’s “division diplomacy.”The increase in the EU’s suspicion over China’s political intention will likely influence the structural changes in their relations in a negative manner. As a result, China should give a positive and reasonable response to the concrete concerns of the EU in the fields of market access and protection of business interests, by deepening reforms and expanding opening-up. In the meantime,China, through existing communication mechanisms, should reassure the EU that it will “continue to approach and advance relations with Europe from a global perspective and in the context of the world’s major trends,”and it “firmly supports the European integration process and welcome the EU’s unity and development,” and is “committed to managing and handling differences on the basis of mutual respect.”27 “Speech by Foreign Minister Wang Yi at the Opening of Symposium on International Developments and China’s Diplomacy in 2017,” December 9, 2017, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjbxw/t1518130.shtml. Besides, China should take actions to convert policies and positions into pragmatic cooperation,dispelling the EU’s concerns by concrete facts, to prevent the EU from taking passive countermeasures. Currently, both China and the EU have the desire for reform. The partnership for reform will be an important aspect of the China-EU relations in the future.

Second, as the most important international actor and economy in their respective regions, the structural changes in the China-EU relations will have a significant impact on the relationship between Asia and Europe.The China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative is providing new opportunities and broader space for Asia-Europe cooperation. The China-EU cooperation will certainly provide impetus to cooperation between the two continents under the Belt and Road framework. China and the EU need to “expand converging interests and explore new growth areas in regional cooperation to enrich and expand the strategic substance of China-Europe relations.”2828 “Speech by Foreign Minister Wang Yi at the Opening of Symposium on International Developments and China’s Diplomacy in 2017,” December 9, 2017. It is a practical approach to extending the rich substance of the structural changes in their relations to the broader Asia-Europe cooperation, which will not only effectively curb the uncertainties and instability in their respective regions, but also avoid negative impacts from disorderly competition.

Moreover, the structural changes in the China-EU relations will affect relations between China and the West and the prospects of world multipolarization. At a time when the EU is revisiting its strategic positioning in the global structure and is ready to reshape its strategic relationships,the structural changes in the China-EU relations, on the basis of equality and mutual respect, is conducive for the EU to broadening their horizons,and for China to pursuing its policy goal of building a global network of partnerships, which objectively contributes to the development of multipolar politics in the world.

Finally, the structural changes in the China-EU relations will have an impact on global governance. China and the EU are major actors in the global governance system and important forces in promoting the reform of global governance. As the China-EU relations become more strategic, both sides will find more cooperation opportunities in global governance. At this moment, the two sides have a rather high level of cooperation on climate change, which will become even closer after the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement. China and the EU should overcome differences and narrow divergences, upgrade and promote their cooperation experience on climate change, and extend the cooperative momentum to other areas of global governance such as countering terrorism, cyberspace, maritime affairs and public health.